End the Ethanol Subsidies

What am I missing? There must be some aspect of our insane energy
policies that I fail to appreciate.
“We the People” just booted a boatload of spendthrifts out
of Congress, after they helped engineer a $1.3 trillion deficit on America’s
FY-2010 budget and balloon our cumulative national debt to $13.7 trillion.
The “bipartisan White House deficit reduction panel” chimed
in with a 50-page draft proposal, offering suggestions for $3.8 trillion in future
budgetary savings. The proposal targets $100 billion in Defense Department
weapons programs, healthcare benefits, and overseas bases. It also proposes a
$13-billion cutback in the federal workforce and lining out $400 million in
unnecessary printing costs.
And yet, amazingly, not even this independent commission was
willing to eliminate the $6-billion sacred cow of annual ethanol subsidies. The
current 45-cents-per-gallon tax credit for blending ethanol into gasoline
automatically expires December 31, as does the 54-cents-a-gallon tariff on
imported ethanol. So all senators and congressmen need to do is nothing, and beleaguered taxpayers will
save six billion bucks.
We can only hope. Unfortunately, renewable fuel lobbyists is
intent on using the lame duck session to perpetuate the special treatment. The
National Corn Growers Association, Renewable Fuels Association, Growth Energy,
ADM, and POET Ethanol count as friends incoming House Speaker John Boehner,
incoming House Ways and Means Committee Chairman Dave Camp, Senate Majority
Leader Mitch McConnell, Senate Finance Committee Ranking Member Chuck Grassley,
other influential Republicans, and scores of prominent Democrats.
Perhaps if DePuy or Sofamor Danek donates some spinal
implants, enough wavering legislators will find the backbone to challenge the
subsidizers and ensure a little adult supervision over the budget process. If
this election was about anything, it was about ending business as usual,
ensuring energy and economic common sense, and not bankrupting the United
States.
Ethanol and earmarks represent a key litmus test for
Republicans and fiscal conservatives. Failure to hold the line will create a
rocky road for credibility and progress next year. It should be an easy
decision. It’s time for action – or more accurately, inaction.
Federal laws already require that gasoline be 10% ethanol, and
EPA has announced that it will now allow up to 15% ethanol blends for cars and
trucks built since 2007. These mandates already require that ethanol use
increase from 13 billion gallons today to 36 billion by 2022, ensuring
profitable markets for corn growers and ethanol producers, without subsidies. Even
large corn ethanol producers like Green Plains Energy now say the subsidies are
no longer needed.
The subsidies and tariffs only fatten profit margins, reduce
competition, increase consumer prices, cause frayed relations with Brazil over barriers
to its sugar-cane ethanol entering US markets, and stifle technological
innovation that could improve production efficiencies and lessen environmental
impacts.
As Examiner
columnist Timothy Carney observes, “the tax credit won't boost ethanol
consumption at all in the future, because the mandate will set demand. So the
tax credit will simply subsidize the ethanol that blenders – ie, oil companies
– would have bought anyway.”
The corn/ethanol lobby says ending the subsidies would cost
up to 160,000 jobs. However, a recent study by leading agricultural economists
at Iowa State University concludes that only 300 jobs would be lost. If so,
preserving the subsidies works out to $20 million for each job saved.
Meanwhile,
says Louisiana State University professor Joseph Mason, the Interior
Department’s heavy-handed offshore drilling moratorium could cost up to 155,000
Gulf Coast jobs. That’s on top of countless billions of lease bonus, rent,
royalty, and tax dollars the US Treasury will never see, because Interior, EPA,
Congress, and the White House have made billions of barrels of offshore, Alaskan,
and Lower-48 oil and gas off limits.
America could produce 670 billion gallons of oil (including
480 billion gallons of gasoline and diesel) from a splinter of ANWR equal to
1/20 of Washington, DC. Doing so would generate enormous revenues, instead of
requiring perpetual subsidies. By contrast, reaching the 36-billion-gallon
biofuel mandate would require 15 billion gallons of corn-based ethanol from
cropland and wildlife habitat the size of Georgia, plus 21 billion gallons of “advanced
biofuel” from switchgrass grown on additional acreage the size of South
Carolina.
Opposition to extending the tax credit and tariffs also
comes from a growing coalition of meat and food producers, environmental groups,
and consumer organizations. They emphasize that cooking corn to power cars increases
corn prices, reduces farmland available for other crops, and drives up the
price of beef, pork, poultry, eggs, corn syrup, and all groceries made with those
products. It sends meat and egg producers into foreclosure – and means fewer
malnourished people can be fed under current USAID and World Food Organization
budgets.
The coalition also points out that growing and processing
corn into ethanol requires enormous amounts of water for every gallon of
alcohol fuel produced. (Cornell University agriculture professor David Pimental
estimates the inputs at 8,000 gallons of water per gallon of corn-based ethanol.)
Much of the water comes from already stressed aquifers – and growing the crops
results in significant pesticide, herbicide, and fertilizer runoff into our
rivers, lakes, bays, and oceans. It also requires vast hydrocarbon resources,
for fertilizers, pesticides, tractors, and tanker trucks.
Producing ethanol from sugar cane carries much lower water
demands and environmental impacts.
Pro-subsidy
factions say $6 billion is pocket change in a $3.6-trillion federal budget. It
may indeed be a small step. But all the caterwauling suggests it is a giant
step for Congress – and a hugely symbolic one that can no longer be avoided.
Moreover, if reductions like this are to be rejected as too trivial to trifle
with, how do Nanny State legislators justify their intrusive rules on toilets,
washing machines, plastic bags, and light bulbs? How do they suppose
cash-strapped families balance their budgets?
The ethanol
mandates are enough interference in what should be a highly competitive
marketplace of ideas and technologies for America’s energy future. Congress
should not muddy the waters even further, by extending the subsidies and protective
tariffs.
(While they’re at it, the lawmakers should also pull the
plug on chicken-fat-to-biofuel subsidies. This tax credit is just another unaffordable,
feel-good “green energy” boondoggle – that turns waste fat into wasted tax
dollars. Reducing effluent streams, garnering positive PR, and selling their
“alternative fuel” to oil companies and the Air Force, under utopian biofuel
mandates, ought to be adequate incentive.)
These
should be easy decisions. They merely take commitment to principles – something our legislators
better start discovering, if they want to be around after the next election
cycle.
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